A signature is a name. A constituent on the phone is pressure.
uprise takes the list you have already built and turns it into contact an electorate office has to log: a click-to-call page that places a real call and patches the caller through to the member for their postcode, volunteers texting one conversation at a time, and doors knocked inside a boundary you cut from the actual seat. There is no petition builder here and no email broadcasts – keep the tools that do those, and point them at this.
Trusted by progressive Australian campaigns, nonprofits, and causes
Why advocacy organisations choose uprise
Pressure that arrives as a ringing phone
A click-to-call page places a genuine call, not a queued email. Set the campaign to match by electorate and the caller keys in their four-digit postcode on the phone, then is patched through to the sitting member for that seat. Calling sits on the paid plans.
The unit of your campaign is a seat
Federal divisions, state lower and upper house electorates, councils, wards and statistical areas down to SA1 are inside the product, from the official Australian sources. You build a campaign around a division, not a radius on a map.
Volunteers send, one conversation at a time
A text bank hands each volunteer a batch they claim and send themselves, with a script, canned replies and dispositions. Every read and write is scoped to that volunteer, so nobody wanders into the organisation's inbox.
Doors inside the division, not near it
Turf is clipped to the campaign boundary, and the national address file can be loaded into a turf as cold doors, so a canvasser gets every address in the street rather than the few already on your list.
Opt-outs are enforced; the rest is a warning
An inbound STOP or a star press on a call writes an opt-out, and a send skips those contacts and counts what it skipped. The pre-send check only warns about missing Reply STOP wording and quiet hours, and nothing writes an authorisation statement for you.
We publish the rows we lose
Our comparison table marks petitions and forms, email broadcasts and a public API absent against both NationBuilder and Action Network, with links to their own documentation. You will not discover this product's limits in month two.
What you get on day one
Every one of these is built and shipping today. Nothing on this page is a roadmap item.
Click-to-call action pages
A public page you can share or embed in the site you already run, that places a real call from the browser. Where the campaign lets callers choose, they search its target list by name or electorate; session progress streams back to the page as the call moves; and the page is rate-limited per address it is opened from, with its own frame policy. Paid plans.
Voice broadcast, keypad polling and electorate transfer
Dial an audience with a spoken or uploaded message, run an IVR survey over a validated question graph with keypad branching, or patch answerers through to their own federal or state member. Calling windows in your timezone, attempt caps, a no-recall window and answering-machine detection. Paid plans.
SMS blasts, text banks and one shared inbox
Draft, proof, schedule and send under a state machine, with personalisation from a versioned template snapshot, a per-recipient status ledger and row-level retry of the ones that failed. Replies land in a cross-channel inbox where claiming a thread puts your name on it, so the next organiser can see it is being handled – visible ownership rather than a lock. The lock that does hold is in the text bank, where a claimed batch goes to one volunteer and to nobody else.
Boundaries, turf and walk lists
Build a boundary as a union of divisions, statistical areas, meshblocks and polygons you draw, with a live address count. Cut turf inside it, generate route-ordered walk lists per turf, and send them to the installable field app that keeps recording knocks with no signal.
Searches that cannot be authored around
Saved, re-evaluating audience definitions over a closed condition vocabulary: geography, support level, consent per channel, replies, dispositions, survey answers, RSVPs, last active. The live count uses the same ordering as the send, and channel consent, suppression and reachability apply as floors an author cannot remove.
The petition is not the campaign. The list it built is.
uprise has no petition page, no signup form and no letter-to-your-MP builder. There are exactly two public page types in the product: click-to-call and event RSVP. Keep gathering signatures wherever you gather them now. What uprise runs is the next step, and the next step is the one an electorate office actually notices.
- Bring the list in as a CSV, uploaded in resumable batches that report failures per row with a reason, or pull a NationBuilder list or tag or an Action Network list straight into an audience with checkpointed pagination and a scheduled re-pull, set in hours and daily by default.
- Publish a click-to-call page on your workspace's own subdomain or embed it in the website you already run, carrying your logos, colours and custom CSS, with a preview token for the version nobody has seen yet.
- On the call, the supporter keys in their postcode. Where that postcode covers more than one seat the call reads the seats out and they press a digit to choose; where they press nothing it takes the dominant seat rather than dropping the call.
- Pressing star opts them out, writing voice and SMS consent in a single transaction, so an angry call at seven on a Thursday does not become a compliance problem in six weeks.
- The same list works peer-to-peer: volunteers claim a batch of scripted first messages, press send themselves one at a time, then answer replies inside the conversations they own and close each with a disposition.
- 1Bring the list in as a CSV, uploaded in resumable batches that report failures per row with a reason, or pull a NationBuilder list or tag or an Action Network list straight into an audience with checkpointed pagination and a scheduled re-pull, set in hours and daily by default.
- 2Publish a click-to-call page on your workspace's own subdomain or embed it in the website you already run, carrying your logos, colours and custom CSS, with a preview token for the version nobody has seen yet.
- 3On the call, the supporter keys in their postcode. Where that postcode covers more than one seat the call reads the seats out and they press a digit to choose; where they press nothing it takes the dominant seat rather than dropping the call.
Show a member what their own seat is doing
An office discounts a national signature count and does not discount its own constituents. That means the geography has to be real, and the evidence has to be attributable to the seat. uprise is built on the official Australian boundaries and the national address file, so a door knocked is already a door in a division.
- Build the campaign boundary as a union of federal divisions, state lower or upper house electorates, LGAs, wards, statistical areas, meshblocks and hand-drawn polygons. Every source stays editable afterwards and the boundary reports its live address count as you change it.
- Load the national geocoded address file into a turf as cold doors. Those contacts carry the address id that ties each of them to a division, a ward and an SA1, which is what makes a per-seat cut of your field data possible at all.
- One branching survey runs at the door and over SMS, and each answer option can carry a disposition and a point on a five-point support scale from strong support to strong oppose, so both channels produce numbers you can add together.
- The live campaign view gives door counts, contact rate, support identified and volunteer activity, refreshed on a ten-second poll, alongside supporter accumulation against a goal with a weekly pace.
- The limit, because it matters here: a keypad poll of your own audience is not a poll of the electorate, and uprise will not help you imply otherwise. The Insights polling surface is read-only, loaded by us from a supplied dataset with small-base reportability built in. If you need a representative sample of a seat, commission one.
- 1Build the campaign boundary as a union of federal divisions, state lower or upper house electorates, LGAs, wards, statistical areas, meshblocks and hand-drawn polygons. Every source stays editable afterwards and the boundary reports its live address count as you change it.
- 2Load the national geocoded address file into a turf as cold doors. Those contacts carry the address id that ties each of them to a division, a ward and an SA1, which is what makes a per-seat cut of your field data possible at all.
- 3One branching survey runs at the door and over SMS, and each answer option can carry a disposition and a point on a five-point support scale from strong support to strong oppose, so both channels produce numbers you can add together.
The escalation ladder, in one supporter record
Advocacy runs on escalation: the person who signed becomes the person who rang their member, who becomes the person who knocked on a street. That only works if the product can tell you who did which, and it only works if the same human being is one row rather than four.
- A contact is deduplicated on the exact E.164 mobile number and on a normalised address string, each held by a hand-maintained partial unique index, so one mobile cannot become two supporters however many sources it arrives from. The case that beats it is the one an escalation ladder runs into: somebody who signed with a mobile and was later knocked as a cold door is two rows, nothing joins them automatically, and the merge routine that would re-point their message history is wired to no screen today. The mobile number is the spine to build the ladder on.
- A profile returns one timeline per person: texts in and out, door knocks, dispositions, survey answers, source records, tags and consent per channel.
- Searches re-evaluate instead of freezing, over conditions like blast received or replied, door-knocked since a date, disposition code, survey answered, event RSVP, support level and last active. "Replied to the March text and has not been knocked" is a saved definition, not a spreadsheet somebody re-cuts each week.
- What you preview is what sends: the count and the send resolve through the same deterministic ordering, under three layers – your filters, then policy, then system floors for channel consent, suppression and reachability that no author can switch off.
- The honest limit on getting it back out: an audience's contacts and an event's RSVPs download as CSVs, and that is the whole export surface. Nothing composes a custom report, nothing arrives on a schedule, and the API keys the product can mint authenticate nothing, so the per-seat breakdown a funder asks for is assembled by hand from what is on screen.
- 1A contact is deduplicated on the exact E.164 mobile number and on a normalised address string, each held by a hand-maintained partial unique index, so one mobile cannot become two supporters however many sources it arrives from. The case that beats it is the one an escalation ladder runs into: somebody who signed with a mobile and was later knocked as a cold door is two rows, nothing joins them automatically, and the merge routine that would re-point their message history is wired to no screen today. The mobile number is the spine to build the ladder on.
- 2A profile returns one timeline per person: texts in and out, door knocks, dispositions, survey answers, source records, tags and consent per channel.
- 3Searches re-evaluate instead of freezing, over conditions like blast received or replied, door-knocked since a date, disposition code, survey answered, event RSVP, support level and last active. "Replied to the March text and has not been knocked" is a saved definition, not a spreadsheet somebody re-cuts each week.
Built for every advocacy organisation model
A national campaign with a list and no field program
Import or pull the list, publish a click-to-call page on your own site, and drive it with a text bank your volunteers send by hand. Callers reach the member for their postcode, and the replies land in one claimable inbox instead of somebody's phone.
A seat-by-seat pressure campaign
Pick the divisions, build the boundary from them, then let the per-SA1 heat map rank where to work over six weighted factors, with three more you can opt into, under persuasion, turnout and coverage presets. Cut turf, generate walk lists, roster shifts with a staging location and a capacity, and read support identified as it comes in.
A place-based fight over one decision
A council area, a development, a closure. Build the boundary from the LGA or its wards, knock the streets that are affected, take town-hall RSVPs with capacity and a waitlist on a page that carries your branding, and check people in at the door.
Questions we get asked
The things advocacy organisations ask before they switch. If yours is not here, ask us directly.
No. There are two public page types and that is the entire list: click-to-call and event RSVP. No petition page, no signup form, no letter-writing tool, no page templates and no hosted website. Nothing in uprise takes money from a supporter either – the billing code in the product charges your organisation for its own uprise subscription and does nothing else. Keep collecting signatures where you collect them now, bring the list in by CSV or by pulling a list or tag from NationBuilder or Action Network, and use uprise for the calls, the texts and the doors that come after the signature.
No, and this is structural rather than unfinished. A blast is SMS or voice; there is no email channel in the messaging model to select, so no amount of configuration produces an email send. There is an email screen in the nav, and you should read it as a placeholder rather than a product: it carries a Sample data badge, every figure on it is invented, and it sits in the Future section with the rest of what has not shipped. What does send is account mail, in your logo and colours: the thing that lets a new organiser set a password or a returning one get back in. Each of those messages records its own open and click and the search builder can filter on either, which is the entire extent of email reporting here. If email alerts are the spine of your program, keep that tool: uprise is the phone and doorstep layer beside it, not a replacement for it.
The part of your list with a mobile number, and nothing beyond it. The CSV import keys on a phone per row: a row without one comes back as a Missing phone error against its line number rather than disappearing quietly, which is at least an honest reckoning of how much of your list is reachable by phone. Email is stored, but the import does not match on it, so an email address alone will not attach a row to a supporter you already hold. It acts as a matching key on one path only: the CRM pull, which groups the people it recognises across source systems. There is no organiser-facing merge tool to fix a duplicate by hand. Count the mobile numbers before you plan an escalation that depends on them.
No, and this is the trap worth knowing before you promise a funder a per-seat breakdown. Electorate, state seat, LGA, ward and SA1 to SA4 filters resolve through a geocoded address id on the contact, and uprise sets that id when it creates the contact from the national address file – the cold doors loaded into a turf. Nothing in the CSV import or the CRM pull matches a supplied address back to that file. There is no looser geographic fallback to reach for either: state, postcode and suburb resolve through that same id, so a list you brought in cannot be cut by geography at all. What does produce a per-seat result from an imported list is the call itself, which asks the caller for their postcode and resolves the seat live. That is also why it asks rather than assuming, because a postcode can straddle two seats.
Not yet, and it is better said here than discovered after you have designed a workflow on it. Reading in is live: one connection per nation or group with encrypted credentials, list and tag search with sampling, a checkpointed sync into an audience, a scheduled re-pull that runs daily unless you shorten it, and a needs-attention state when a credential stops working. Writing back is fully built for both platforms, including a per-connection delivery ledger and a loop breaker so a fact pulled from a CRM is never pushed back to it, and it is switched on for nobody. Treat uprise as the system of record for the phone and doorstep work, and ask us where write-back sits before you commit to it.
The dialler and click-to-call call sessions come with the paid plans and are off on a Grassroots licence: there, a click-to-call page still renders but a call session is refused as paused, and a dialler campaign can be drafted and not activated. Sending from your organisation's own numbers is also a paid-plan setting, which provisions a Twilio subaccount, prefills the Australian regulatory bundle from your registered address and buys the numbers; with it off, texts go out through the shared platform sender. Grassroots and Scale are the two publicly listed plans and both are quoted rather than priced, because what a campaign needs varies more than a price grid carries. The allowance that catches campaigns out is not a channel, it is seats: the Grassroots licence carries two workspace seats as it stands, the check runs the moment somebody joins, and a volunteer working a text bank holds a seat exactly as staff do – so tell us how many people need logins before you build a bank around thirty of them.
It holds the record and enforces the opt-out. It does not certify the message. Consent is per contact and per channel with the previous state and the source of every change; an inbound STOP, a star press on a call and a CRM-sourced opt-out all write an opt-out; a send skips opted-out contacts and counts what it skipped; and your suppression list applies inside search evaluation as a floor no author can remove. The advisory part, plainly: the pre-send check warns when the body carries no Reply STOP wording and when the send falls inside quiet hours – a platform-wide window we set rather than one your campaign controls – and neither warning blocks the send. There is no authorisation-statement field and nothing inserts one for you, so on electoral matter the authorisation stays your responsibility – the product's own guided tour says exactly that.
Bring the seats you are trying to move
Come with your list, the electorates that matter and the ask you want a member to hear. We will show you the calls, texts and doors uprise runs, and name the parts it does not do before you have to ask.